One such matter is the question of allowing transit of Afghan-bound Indian goods across the Pak territory. While in Delhi, Karzai hoped that a day would arrive soon when Pakistan would allow transit of Indian goods to Afghanistan and beyond. In the same breath, he linked his optimistic prediction to India agreeing to allow free transit of Pakistani goods bound for destinations in East Asia.

This is rather strange, to say the least. As far as one knows Pakistan has not shown any interest in sending its goods through the Indian land route to East Asia, though Pakistan does seem to want unfettered access for its ‘goods’ to Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh—in the shape of more arms and other material for the terrorists trained by its ISI. Besides, Pakistan already has a direct road link with China, which has been used in the past, among other things, for secretly transporting nuclear equipment from China and missile components from North Korea. Even if it is assumed that there has been a Pakistani demand for permission to export its ‘goods’ to East Asia through India it is not clear if such an arrangement will suit Pakistan or will be a better option.

Assuming that a Pakistani container is being sent to Malaysia, Thailand or Vietnam through the land route it can be said with some certainty that the time it will require for transit from its origin in Pakistan to its destination may not be less than a direct shipment to ports in either country. Apart from the slow pace with which goods move across the Indian roads with all the checks at the point of entering different states, not to speak of many natural hazards like floods and storms, and foreseen human ‘hurdles’ including hold ups, goods moving across two or three countries will take a long time to complete their journey after getting through the two or three custom barriers.

India is among the largest aid donors of Afghanistan and is heavily engaged in rebuilding a new Afghanistan. This has generated a lot of goodwill for India that Pakistan obviously resents. Some of the Indian efforts are hampered by the cost and time taken for moving goods, particularly machinery and heavy goods, from the sea route to Iran and then by land route into Afghanistan. Should the US decide to go to war against Iran, the Iran supply route will get blocked making Afghanistan completely dependent on Pakistan for its export-import trade more since the land route via central Asia is not much developed. It does look therefore Karzai is dodging the question of pressing Pakistan for allowing passage to Afghan-bound Indian goods. Both suspicion and jealousy prevented many previous Pakistani governments, as also the present one headed by its military chief, Gen Pervez Musharraf, from agreeing to any arrangement that facilitates access of Indian goods into Afghanistan. Pakistan has in the recent denied transit facilities even for humanitarian consignments from India.

Being landlocked, Afghanistan certainly has a strong case for being granted land transit facilities through Pakistan. But Karzai regime has shown reluctance to press President Musharraf too much, fearing that it may lead to Pakistan further opening up the terrorist taps on Afghanistan and thus dash whatever little hope that Kabul may have of getting Islamabad’s ‘cooperation’ in rounding up of the former Taliban elements living East of the Durand Line.

India can understand the reasons why Karzai does not want to annoy the mercurial General too much. Even the General’s strongest patrons in Washington have to suffer his tantrums such as the one he is throwing currently at being denied a nuclear ‘package’. But what does not become clear to many in India is why Karzai should gratuitously advocate something on behalf of Pakistan. It cannot be called a fine balancing act because no matter what he says or does in India or about India, Pakistan is bound to remain sullen as there is little possibility of it regaining its ‘strategic depth’ that came its way when Taliban controlled Afghanistan. That Pakistan has become a dirty word for many Afghans adds to the discomfort of the Islamabad rulers who have been hoping to keep post-Taliban Afghanistan under its thumb.

It is not known whether these and other related issues figured in the Karzai - Manmohan Singh, talks, but it is natural for India to expect Karzai to effectively and publicly rebut the Pakistani canard that Indian diplomatic missions in his country are being used to fuel trouble in Pakistani canard that Indian diplomatic missions in his country are being used to fuel trouble in Baluchistan and North Waziristan. The Pakistani ploy looks kike a crude attempt to hide the patently anti-Indian activities directed from its own diplomatic missions in Nepal and Bangladesh.

Pakistanis have raised a hue and cry about the presence of Indian security guards sent to Afghanistan for the safety of Indian workers engaged in the country’s gigantic reconstruction task. Islamabad had tried, without much success, to seek Washington’s ‘intervention’ in putting a stop to even the opening of Indian missions beyond Kabul. Pakistan has no right or role in deciding where the Indian missions should be opened and what India should do to protect its nationals. More so since Kabul has no objections to Indian missions operating from one or more centres in Afghanistan or the presence of Indian security for the latter’s personnel. In the kind of situation that prevails in Afghanistan, India has every right to take measures for the security and safety of its workers. Kabul must transmit this message to Islamabad strongly.

There is every reason for India to suspect a Pakistani hand behind some of the attacks on Indian workers in Afghanistan. These attacks have ostensibly been carried out by the Taliban—sent from across the border. Karzai may have to be more subtle in talking about it but he has to convey to his ‘brothers’ in Islamabad that the days when they could interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan are gone and in no way can Islamabad dictate Kabul’s choice of friends.


Courtesy : Syndicate Features

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